丘吉爾的鐵幕演説

丘吉爾是英國曆史學家、政治家、畫家、演説家、作家、記者。以下是小編整理的丘吉爾的鐵幕演説，歡迎大家閲讀。

丘吉爾鐵幕演説原文中英文

“美國此刻正高踞於世界權力的頂峯。對美國民主來説，這是一個莊嚴的時刻。擁有最大的力量，也就是對未來負有令人敬畏的責任。放眼四顧，你不但覺得已經盡了應盡的責任，也感到憂慮，恐怕以後的成就未必能達到這樣高的水平。對你我兩國來説，現在都有一個機會在這裏，一個明確的、光彩奪目的機會。如果拒絕、忽視、或糟蹋這個機會，我們將受到後世長期的責備。……

“當美國的軍事人員在立場嚴重的局勢時，他們習慣於在他們的指令的頭上寫上‘全面戰略概念’字樣。這種做法是明智的，因為它能使思想明朗化。那麼，什麼是我們為今天所應題寫的全面戰略概念呢?它不應該低於在一切地方的所有男女的所有家庭的安全和幸福以及自由和進步。……

“為了使這些無數的家庭得到安全，必須保護他們，使他們不受兩個可怕的掠奪者——戰爭和暴政——的侵犯。……

“……為了防止戰爭這一主要目的，已經建立了一個世界組織。……我們必須使這一切得到肯定：它的工作是有成果的，它是一種現實而不是一種假象，它是一種行動力量而不僅只是語言的空談，它是一種真正的和平之宮而不僅只是紛紛擾擾爭吵的場所……

“然而，我有一個明確而實際的行動建議要提出來。宮廷和地方行政長官沒有縣吏和皂吏就不能辦事。因此，必須馬上着手給聯合國配備一支國際武裝力量。在這個問題上，只能一步一步來，但我們必須從現在開始着手做。我建議，應邀請每一個大國和其它成員國派出一定數量的空軍中隊，為這個世界性組織服役。這些中隊將由本國訓練和籌備，但在各國輪流駐紮。他們身着本國的軍服，佩戴不同的徽章。不能要求他們對自己的國家作戰，但在其它方面將受這世界性組織的指揮。這個辦法可以小規模地實行起來，讓它隨着我們信心的增長而擴大。第一次世界大戰後我曾希望做到這一步，相信現在會立即辦到。

“不過，如果把美國、英國和加拿大現在所共同掌握的製造原子彈的祕密知識和經驗託付給這個仍處於嬰兒時代的世界性組織，馬氏錯誤的和輕率的。如果任憑這種祕密知識在這依然騷動和不團結的世界上自然發展，那是罪惡的發狂。……

“現在我講到威脅着茅舍家庭和普通老百姓的第二個危險，即暴政。我們不能無視一個事實，就是美國和大英帝國的個別公民到處都能享受的自由，在相當多的國家裏是不存在的，其中一些是十分強大的國家。在這些國家裏，各種包羅萬象的警察政府對老百姓強加控制，達到了壓倒和違背一切民主原則的程度。或是一些獨裁者，或是組織嚴密的寡頭集團，他們通過一個享有特權的黨和一支政治警察隊伍，毫無節制地行使着國家的大權。在這多難的歲月，我們的責任不是同武力去幹預那些我們不曾征服的國家的內部事務。但是，我們絕不能放棄以大無畏的聲調宣揚自由的偉大原則和基本人權。這些英語世界的共同遺產，繼大憲章、人權法案、人身保護法、陪審團審訊制、以及英國習慣法之後，它們又在美國獨立宣言中得到舉世聞名的表現。

“到此為止，我們顯然是完全一致的。現在，當仍然奉行這個實現我們全面戰略概念的方法的時候，我要講一講此行要談的關鍵問題。沒有我所稱之為各英語民族同胞手足一樣的聯合，有效地防止戰爭和繼續發展世界組織都是辦不到的。這種聯合就是以英聯邦與帝國為一方和以美利堅合眾國為另一方建立特殊的關係。現在不是泛泛空談的時候，我要明確地談談。

“兄弟般的聯合不僅要求我們兩個龐大的、有血緣關係的社會制度之間存在着日益增長的友誼和相互諒解，而且要求雙方軍事顧問繼續保持密切的聯繫，以便共同研究潛在的危險。武器的異同，訓練的教材，以及在軍事院校互換軍官和學員的問題。它還應包括聯合使用兩國在世界各地掌握的所有海空基地，使現有的設施繼續用於共同安全的目的。……

“不久剛被盟國的勝利所照亮的大地，已經罩上了陰影。沒有人知道，蘇俄和它的共產主義國際組織打算在最近的將來幹些什麼，以及它們擴張和傳教傾向的止境在哪裏，如果還有止境的話。對於英勇的俄羅斯人民和我的戰時夥伴斯大林元帥，我十分欽佩和尊敬。在英國——我毫不懷疑，在這裏也是一樣——人們對俄國各族人民懷有同情和善意，決心經受種種分歧和挫折，建立起持久的友誼。

“我們理解，俄國需要它西部邊界的安全，以免再次遭受德國的侵略。我們歡迎它佔有它在世界大國中有權佔有的地位。我們特別歡迎的是，在俄國人民和大西洋兩岸的我方人民之間保持經常不斷的、頻繁的和日益增多的接觸。但是，我有責任把有關當前歐洲形勢的某些事實擺在你們面前。

“從波羅的海的斯德丁〔什切青〕到亞得里亞海邊的的裏雅斯特，一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經降落下來。在這條線的後面，坐落着中歐和東歐古國的都城。華沙、柏林、布拉格、維也納、布達佩斯、貝爾格萊德、布加勒斯特和索菲亞——所有這些名城及其居民無一不處在蘇聯的勢力範圍之內，不僅以這種或那種形式屈服於蘇聯的勢力影響，而且還受到莫斯科日益增強的高壓控制。只有雅典，放射着它不朽的光輝，在英、美、法三國現場觀察下，自由地決定它的前途。

“受俄國支配的波蘭政府被慫恿對德國領土實行大片的、不義的侵佔，正在以可悲的、夢想不到的規模把數以百萬計的德國人成羣地驅逐出境。在所有這些東歐國家原來都很弱小的共產黨，已經上升到同它們黨員人數遠不相稱的主導的、掌權的地位，到處爭取極權主義的控制。幾乎在每一處，都是警察政府佔了上風。到目前為之，除了捷克斯洛伐克，根本沒有真正的民主。

“土耳其和波斯〔伊朗〕都為莫斯科政府向它們提出的要求和對它們施加的壓力而感到驚惶萬分。駐在柏林的俄國人正試圖通過對各左翼領導集團的袒護，在他們的德國佔領區建立一個準共產黨。去年6月戰鬥結束時，美國和英國軍隊按照先前的協議，從一條將近四百英里寬的戰線上西撤，在某些地方深達一百五十英里。這樣就讓俄國人佔領了西方民主國家所攻打下來的遼闊的土地。

“現在，如果蘇聯政府試圖單獨行動，在他們的地區建立一個親共的德國，就將給英美兩國佔領區製造嚴重的困難，授予了戰敗的德國人以在蘇聯和西方民主國家之間拍賣抬價的權力。這些都是事實。不論我們從中得到什麼結論，這肯定不是我們進行武裝鬥爭所要建立的解放的歐洲，也不是一個具有永久和平必要條件的歐洲。

“在橫跨歐洲的鐵幕前面，還有其它令人焦慮的因素。意大利共產黨由於不得不支持共產黨訓練的鐵托元帥對亞得里亞海頂端的前意大利領土的要求，受到嚴重的牽制。儘管如此，意大利還是前途未卜。再一點，歐洲的復興，如無一個強大的法國，這是不可思議的。在我的全部公職生活中，我總是為使法國強大而工作着。甚至在最黑暗的日子裏，我也不曾對它的命運喪失信心。現在也不會喪失信心。

“不過，在遠離俄國邊界、遍佈世界各地的許多國家裏，共產黨第五縱隊已經建立。它絕對服從來自共產主義中心的指令，完全協調地工作着。除了在英聯邦和美國——那裏的共產主義運動還在嬰兒時代——共產黨，即第五縱隊到處構成對基督教文明的日益嚴重的挑釁和危險。這是任何人在取得勝利的次日都應該記誦的一些黯淡的事實。這一勝利是通過在戰鬥中以及在自由和民主的事業中結成情誼深厚的戰友關係取得的。如果我們不趁還來得及的時候正視這些事實，那就太不明智了。

“……我不相信蘇俄希望戰爭。他們所希望的是得到戰爭的果實，以及他們的權力和主義的無限擴張。因此，趁今天還為時未晚，我們在這裏要考慮的是永久制止戰爭和儘速在一切國家為自由和民主創造條件的問題。

“對於困難和危險視而不見，不能解決問題;袖手旁觀，也不解決問題;採取綏靖政策，也無濟於事。現在需要的是作出解決問題的安排。拖得越久，就越困難，對我們的危險也就越大。大戰期間，我對我們俄國朋友和盟友的觀察所得的印象使我堅信，他們所欽佩的莫過於實力，而他們最瞧不起的是軍事上的虛弱。由於這個緣故，勢力均衡的舊理論不適用了。如果可以避免的話，我們再也經不起在只留有狹小余地的情況下進行工作，從而提供了進行較量的誘惑。假使西方民主國家團結一致，嚴守聯合國憲章的原則，那麼，它們推行這些原則的影響力將是巨大的，沒有人會來冒犯它們。不過，假使它們四分五裂，在自己執行職責時手軟，假使讓這緊要關頭的幾年白白混過去，那麼，我們大家確實都要在浩劫中被毀滅了。

“上一次，我曾目睹大戰來臨，對自己本國同胞和全世界大聲疾呼，但是人們都聽不進。近至1933年，甚至1935年，或許還能把德國從後來落到它頭上的可怕命運中拯救出來，使我們大家都免遭希特勒強加於人類的苦難。

“在全部歷史中，沒有一次戰爭比前不久使地球上這麼多廣大地區淪為廢墟的這次大戰，更容易同及時的行動加以制止。它本來可以不發一槍就被制止住，而德國本來可以至今是一個強大、繁榮、受尊敬的國家。但是，誰也聽不進。於是所有我們這些國家，一個接一個都被捲入可怕的漩渦中了。

“我們肯定地必須不讓那種事重演。這隻有這樣做才能達到：在現時，即一九四六年，在聯合國普遍權威之下，就所有問題同俄國達成良好的諒解;並且通過這個世界性組織，在講英語的世界及其一切聯繫地區的全力支持下，使上述良好的諒解在許多和平的年份中維持下去。

“請不要把不列顛帝國和聯邦的堅持的能力加以低估。……如果在美國的人口之外，再加上英語聯邦的人口，再加上這種合作關係所涉及的在空中、海上、科學和工業各方面的合作，那就不會出現不穩定的、靠不住的力量均衡，致使野心家和冒險家情不自禁。……倘若英國所有道義上、物質上的力量和信念，都同你們的力量和信念兄弟般的聯合在一起，那麼，就將不僅為我們、為我們的時代，而且也將為所有的人，為未來的世紀，帶來一個廣闊的前程，這是明確無疑的。”

丘吉爾鐵幕演説中英文翻譯

Winston S. Churchill:“Iron Curtain Speech", March 5, 1946

Winston Churchill gave this speech at Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri, after receiving an honorary degree. With typical oratorical skills, Church introduced the phrase "Iron Curtain" to describe the division between Western powers and the area controlled by the Soviet Union. As such the speech marks the onset of the Cold War.

The speech was very long, and here excerpts are presented.

The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.

It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.

It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.

Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.

In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.

I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.

I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.

But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.

What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.

For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.

There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.

We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.

If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.

If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.